7.6. Summary of Results and Hypotheses Testing

This research collected many data, using various collection techniques, to measure functional barriers to transit use, by those with a vision impairment, and to determine if RIAS could mitigate those barriers.   Four hypotheses were tested in multiple ways and the results are briefly summarized here.  The efficacy of these additional environmental cues and their ability to provide increased access to transit and the urban environment were both strongly supported by these data.    


Hypothesis 1: Experiment data will show that, for those with limited vision, specific locations and tasks cause difficulty when using transit.   The use of auditory signage will mitigate much of the difficulty.   This hypothesis was tested in Chapter 3 in the following sections.
 
Section 3.1 : Caltrain Field Test
  • Blind people had slower times and more errors without RIAS.
  • Limited cues at some locations caused people to have to ask for help from others when using their regular methods. 
  • Street crossings were much quicker and made more safely when using RIAS.   With the normal techniques, many subjects started to make unsafe street crossings and a few would not even attempt the crossing.  
  • Limited cues or inconsistent placement at some locations caused higher travel time penalties than other locations. 
     
    Section 3.2 : User Rated Difficulty of Transit Tasks
     
  • Transit tasks were rated as having a high degree of difficulty.  
  • After using RIAS, many tasks were rated as having little or no difficulty.  
     
    Section 3.4 : Subject Observations on the Benefits of RIAS
     
  • Positive effects were reported when using RIAS at street crossings, to navigate in terminals, or when making transfers.  
  • Difficulties and negative effects were implied, when using regular methods.
     
     
    Section 3.5 : Modeling Impedance of Different Transit Tasks
     
  • Specific tasks and locations such as unmarked doors, busy streets, and inconsistent locations were associated with large time penalties.  
  • Other tasks and locations such as those with good cues, walking to a corner, or less busy streets had much smaller time penalties.  
     
    Hypothesis 2: Difficulties of transit tasks will affect travel activity and behavior, and reduce trips and accessibility.  Subjects will estimate they would make more trips and access more places if RIAS was installed.  This hypothesis was tested in Chapter 4 in the following sections.
     
    Section  4.1 : Travel Confidence and Frequency of Visiting New Environments
  • User ratings of their confidence in independent travel, sense of direction, and in new environments were much higher in the post-test condition.
  • Users reported they would make more trips to new places if RIAS was installed.
     
    Section 4.2 : Perceived Travel Behavior while Making Transfers

    Two questions were asked about making a 10-mile transit trip that included a transfer in an unfamiliar area.
  • For a one-time event, 40% using their regular methods and 97% considering RIAS said they would make the trip independently.
  • For a daily job, 53% using their regular methods and 100% considering RIAS said they would make the trip independently.
     
    Section 4.3 : Activity Participation, Trip Behavior, and Travel Times
  • Actual activity and trip behavior showed that many people made few trips to participate in outside activities.  73% of subjects participated in only two or less outside activities per day.
  • If RIAS was installed, 97% said they would make more trips to more activities.
  • Subjects reported making 12.1 trips per week, if RIAS was available, they estimated they would make 25 trips per week.
  • Work, education, and recreational trips had a high hidden demand that they said could be met by RIAS.
     
     
    Section 4.4: User Opinion of the Affect of RIAS on Travel Behavior
  • They reported on the difference of their travel behavior with RIAS and said that travel would be more efficient, they would have better spatial orientation, make more trips, go to more places, with better affective states, and more independence.  
  • Implied were the many difficulties and limitations of travel using their regular methods.  
     
    Section 4.5: Reported and Perceived Transfer-Making Behavior

  • Blind travelers willingly spent time to avoid difficulties in making transfers.   71% said they would spend 30 or more minutes (on a 60 minute trip home) on a slower vehicle to avoid making a transfer.   With RIAS, only 16% thought they would waste that much time.  
  • Blind respondents showed much higher resistance to make transfers then the general public.
  • Resistance was even higher in unfamiliar areas.
  • After using RIAS, the blind estimated their resistance to transfer as being similar to those times reported by the sighted public.
     
    Section 4.6: Spatial Knowledge Acquisition and Cognitive Maps
  • Subjects using their regular methods made 23% of possible shortcuts.   Those using RIAS made 95% of possible shortcuts.
  • Subjects using their regular methods answered 44% of the spatial knowledge questions correctly.   Those using RIAS answered 88% correctly.  
  • Some types of spatial knowledge were very hard to acquire using regular methods.  
     
       
    Hypothesis 3: Travel and access limitations negatively impact the quality of life for those with vision loss.  When using RIAS, subjects will report a wide range of positive influences on their quality of life.  This hypothesis was tested in Chapter 5 in the following sections.
     
    Section 5.1 : Summary of Previous Quality of Life Statements
  • Many difficulties and limitations were reported and exhibited with regular blind travel.   Subjects reported that RIAS greatly reduced transit difficulties, and gave them more confidence, more efficient travel, the ability to participate in more activities, and to feel independent.   
     
    Section 5.2: Subject’s Opinion and Evaluation of Talking Signs(R)

  • Users stressed how RIAS was a spatial orientation aid that improved their mental state and led to more independence. 
     
    Section 5.3 : User Response to Talking Signs®  
  • Users agreed that RIAS would help them travel more often, make travel easier and safer, increase their use of unfamiliar transit and transfers, and help them financially.  
     
    Section 5.5 : Lost Earnings and Additional Expenses Due to Inaccessible Transit
  • Limited transit access to employment was perceived to diminish their earning potential.   Respondents thought they could earn an additional $8,257 yearly if RIAS was installed.  For those in the job market, that amount was $12,385.
  • Limited transit access required them to pay for travel assistance.   They reported they could save $1,267 yearly if RIAS was installed.  
     
    Section 5.6: Monetary Benefit of Independent Travel
  • Respondents stated a benefit of $17 to use RIAS to travel independently to a one-time event.
  • They offered $10 as the benefit to use RIAS to travel independently to a daily job.
  • They offered a benefit of $5 per day to use RIAS.
     
     
    Hypothesis 4: The field test data and subject’s observations, ratings, and opinions will demonstrate a wide variety of benefits that accrue to the user of RIAS.   This hypothesis was tested in Chapter 6 in the following sections.
     
    Section 6.1 : Summary of Benefits from Field Tests and Questions
  • These benefits have been discussed earlier.  In addition to the monetary amount they placed on being able to use these additional cues, they reported that this would give them much more access to transit and urban opportunities.  
     
    Section 6.3 : Benefit Analysis
  • The monetary amounts offered for the use of additional cues demonstrate a very large benefit when applied to an entire metropolitan area.  
  • The amount of lost income and additional travel expenses puts a large total burden on area blind residents. 
  • Currently, unemployment for blind people is around 70%, and, in this experiment, half of those not working thought they could find new employment.    Increased employment would provide to society benefits of lower welfare and assistance payments and new employment opportunities might increase the tax base.
  • These results show that the addition of auditory information makes a great difference in efficient performance, safety, and attitudes about independent travel.  With specific location identity labels and directional cues, legally blind subjects can greatly increase their ability to travel without assistance and to have access to more urban opportunities, including better access to job search and employment possibilities.   The tests summarized here, as well as others from this paper, all showed positive changes in perceived or actual behavior when people with lgal blindness had access to additional auditory cues.   The use of so many different tests to measure the same condition effect enhances convergent or methodological validity (Campbell & Fiske, 1959) .

     

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