6.3. Benefit Analysis

  Data were gathered on perceived monetary benefits of using RIAS and also on how many people can be helped by the addition of environmental cues.   Combining those two sets of data and looking at the vision-impaired population in San Francisco and the surrounding Bay Area may answer some necessary questions about the feasibility and benefits of this system.   There are three main reasons why a typical cost/benefit analysis is not warranted for this discussion of benefits: issues of social equity, changing product cost and features, and a wide variation in installation costs.   These three reasons are summarized next, then population estimates are discussed with regards to those with vision loss, and a section is presented which applies the personal benefits uncovered in this research to the population of the test area, and current government assistance and unemployment for this group are examined.   Finally, a brief estimate is shown for the cost to equip buses with this technology.    

6.3.1. Issue of Equity

When a society desires to make life more equitable for all members, it does not determine the virtue or benefit of that equality in monetary terms as if full public participation by its citizens is a zero sum game .  When it was deemed desirable to make transit buses accessible for those using wheelchairs, no cost study was called for.  Making public services available for people who had been excluded was the “right” thing to do.  When cities and agencies were charged with making curb cuts to allow for more equal access to public areas, again no cost/benefit analysis was called for.   If public tax money is spent on public areas or infrastructure, it is desirable to make them accessible to all members of society.   Over and above this rationale, a strict dollar cost analysis would also have been unrealistic.  Kneeling buses and, especially, curb cuts and elimination of steps with ramps have made areas, buildings, and transit vehicles accessible to many more people than just those using wheelchairs.   People with various ambulatory problems and those with bicycles, baby strollers, skateboards, wheeled luggage, and delivery or shopping carts also benefit when public funds remove physical barriers.   The benefits of these modifications affected a much larger segment of the population than they were originally targeted or designed for.   Like those access modifications to buses, curbs and stairs, perhaps a type of signage that provided location-based information, in a non-printed format, would also help many more people than just those with a vision impairment or print-reading disability. When other ADA mandates such as accessible parking spots are considered, again, no cost/benefit analysis is called for.   A specified number of parking spots are required without regard to the number of people in the area who might use them.   In fact, these modifications look toward the future, with the idea that “if we build it, they will come.”   These types of required modifications for persons with ambulatory disabilities provide needed access to opportunities and are not required only if financial benefits for that excluded group outweigh the cost.     

6.3.2. Changing Technology

Additional features have been added to RIAS since the Caltrain installation.   The new model, manufactured by Mitsubishi Precision Products, offers the same features that were tested in this experiment and is fully backward compatible.    It offers additional information channels (see Section 7.8.1 Talking Signs ® Enhancements ).  This new feature, allowing for even more information, has a different cost than the units tested at Caltrain, and, therefore, it would be misleading to offer a standard cost benefit analysis.  

6.3.3. Installation Costs

RIAS transmitters need to be installed at locations and the costs vary considerably depending on whether they are planned for new or excising structures.  Furthermore, planning and placement costs depend on the type of building construction and architecture.  Electrical power is needed, and providing that service requires costs to be estimated by electricians and designers on a case-by case basis.    With the wide range of building designs and functions, variations in access to nearby electrical wiring, and a wide range in construction costs, no meaningful costs can be generalized.  

6.3.4. Visually Impaired Population of San Francisco and the Bay Area

Although this type of auditory signage might benefit many types of print-handicapped people and those with developmental disabilities (Crandall, Bentzen, & Myers, 1999) , the following section discusses only vision impairment.    Table 6.1 shows 1999 data compiled by the San Francisco Lighthouse for the Blind. These statistics are based on percentages, developed by Lighthouse International, applied to the general population.  
 

Table 6. 1   Vision Impairment in the San Francisco Area

Statistics on Vision Impairment in the San Francisco Bay Area

 

Total

Visually

Impaired

Total

Severe Visual

Impairment

Total

Legally

Blind

County

  Population

Alameda

1,415,582

100,766

24,065

6,370

Contra Costa

933,141

66,424

15,863

4,199

Marin

236,768

16,854

4,025

1,065

Napa

120,962

8,610

2,056

544

San Francisco

746,777

53,158

12,695

3,360

San Mateo

702,102

49,978

11,936

3,159

Solano

385,723

27,457

6,557

1,736

Sonoma

439,970

31,318

7,479

1,980

         

TOTAL

4,981,025

354,565

84,677

22,415

Source: San Francisco Lighthouse for the Blind   (July 99 data)

These data show about 3,360 totally blind people in the city of San Francisco and about 12,700 who have severe vision impairments.   For the eight-county area, more than 22,400 are totally blind and more than 84,600 have severe impairments.   These data show a total of about 53,100 in San Francisco that have some sort of vision problem that is not correctable by glasses and a total population for the Bay Area of about 354,500 with some type of vision impairment.  
 
No matter how well crafted the experiment and how careful the analysis, it is not always possible to attribute the findings from a sample to an entire population, especially one as varied in characteristics as those with vision loss (see Section 7.7 , Possible Methodological Confounds ).  Some data are given in this report that attribute findings from the sample to the entire population, in order to estimate the impact and magnitude for this group.   These estimations do not imply that the researcher claims that the sample tested was representative of the entire population of those with severe vision loss, or are legally blind.
 
How many people in these estimates might benefit from RIAS?   The experiment contained several questions that point to an answer.   The travel task experiment showed that all people could save travel time and travel with more independence, and all subjects rated the system highly.   But this does not necessarily mean that the installation of RIAS would help them make more trips or actually give them a benefit beyond easier and more efficient travel.   However, an earlier discussion (see Section 4.3 , Activity Participation, Trip Behavior, and Travel Times ), noted that many people said they would participate in more activities and with more frequency with these additional spatial cues present in the environment.  Some of the questions that elicited how many people would be positively affected by their installation are briefly summarized.   

  • 97% said they would make more trips if transit was made more accessible with additional spatial cues but, before using RIAS, 67% thought they were missing additional tips.  
     
  • All subjects said they could travel to a daily job independently with RIAS, up from 53% at their current level.  
     
  • 97% said they would travel independently to a one-time event, up from 40% without RIAS.
     
  • 97% said that the system would help with unfamiliar transit and transfers.
     
  • 87% said they would travel to more places if these cues were available.
     
    All these different findings show a high agreement that this type of information would directly affect the lives of these subjects.   The percentage of those people who stated that travel with RIAS was faster, easier, or safer is not dealt with in this section, but, rather, only the percentage of those who said that RIAS would increase their travel frequency or ability to travel independently.    In the following estimations, the smallest agreement rate (87%) is used to measure how many people would be positively affected.   If it is assumed that only 87% of blind travelers will actually make more trips, that leaves a target audience of people who would directly benefit from the additional cues.  

  • 11,050 severely vision-impaired in the City of San Francisco and
     
  • 73,602 severely vision-impaired in the San Francisco Bay Area
  • There are many ways to look at benefits for this group using RIAS.   The following table shows the total dollar benefit placed on this kind of information, first by three estimations by the subjects (WTP for daily use, savings for travel assistance, and the subsidy for a single round trip bus fare).   Then two low estimates of 25 cents and 10 cents per day are shown.   These figures are a yearly estimate of this benefit, and all monetary estimates are shown in 1,000’s of dollars.   A later discussion examines the problem of extrapolating the experimental results to the entire population of people who are legally blind (see Section 7.7.1 Subjects ), but no statistics are available to determine how many of this population are, or could be, independent travelers.   These monetary benefits should be considered with that caveat in mind.    

    Table 6. 2  Estimated Benefit of RIAS Installation

     

    Severe Vision Impairment

    Vision Impairment

    San Fran.

    Bay Area

    San Fran.

    Bay Area

     

    Pop.

    12,700

    84,600

    53,100

    354,500

    87 %

    11,049

    73,602

    11,049

    308,415

    $ Benefits of Independent Travel and Transit Use

     

    Daily

    Yearly

    Amount (in 1000’s)

    WTP Value

    $5.00

    $1,825

    $20,164

    $134,323

    $84,309

    $562,857

    Expenses Saved

    $3.50

    $1,267

    $13,999

    $93,253

    $58,531

    $390,761

    RT Subsidy

    $1.30

    $475

    $5,242,

    $34,924

    $21,920

    $146,342

    Low Estimate

    $0.25

    $91

    $1,008,

    $6,716

    $4,215

    $28,142

    Lowest Estimate

    $0.10

    $37

    $403

    $2,686

    $1,686

    $11,257

    What does this mean for the City of San Francisco and the entire Bay Area?   The WTP estimate of $5 per day, if applied to those with severe vision impairment, shows a yearly dollar benefit of over 20 million dollars to San Francisco residents and over 134 million dollars for the entire Bay Area.   This benefit, for those with some type of vision limitation, would be over 562 million dollars for the entire Bay Area.

    Using the amount subjects said they could save in their actual, direct travel expense for assistance resulted in a dollar benefit for this type of information of almost 14 million dollars a year for San Francisco residents with severe vision restrictions and over 93 million dollars for the Bay Area residents with severe vision restrictions.   If all residents with vision impairments are included, the dollar amount for the entire area is about 390 million.   Even a low benefit estimate of 25 cents a day gives a total yearly benefit of 28 million dollars for all vision-impaired residents of the entire area.  The benefits estimated by individuals for less travel assistance did not include a benefit from the reduction of paratransit service use that is sometimes paid by public or private agencies.   In this experiment, subjects clearly stated they would not need to use the expensive paratransit service if the auditory spatial cues and information was widely available.    

    6.3.5. Employment, Education, and Government Assistance

    With an unemployment rate of at least 70%, financial independence can be a significant problem for this group.   Many of the blind and vision-impaired population are receiving Supplemental Security Income benefits (SSI) and other supplemental income, along with other types of government subsidies.   This research has shown how the lack of access to transit affects activity participation, including job search and travel.   The sample population reported that they could earn on average $8250 more per year if RIAS was installed in their area (the 20 subjects who said that lack of access to transit affected their earnings gave an amount of $12,385).  Some of the subjects were not in the job market, and some had well paying jobs and said that they would save on expenses and make more trips, but that RIAS would not change their income.   For the 20 who did answer this question, it was quite a different story.   Two subjects, who both sold and installed adaptive computer equipment for the blind, explained that they had to devote one day to making a practice trip to a new client’s house in order to be able to ensure that they arrived on time and with ease while carrying the equipment.   These two thought they could almost double their sales income if they did not have to make a preliminary practice trip by using RIAS.   Practice trips can also slow down job search activities for this population.   Since limited access to work and education directly impact low employment for this group, those findings are examined next.

    Of the 30 subjects, 17 currently made work trips (see Section 4.3.3 , Activity Participation and Trip Frequencies for further discussion of those data).   One subject was retired, so there were 12 working age subjects who did not make work trips.  After using RIAS, fully 50% of those who did not work said they would make work trips if this kind of spatial information were available.   The findings for education trips were even more robust.   Eight subjects currently made trips for educational activities, leaving 22 people who did not attend any educational functions.   After the field test of these auditory navigation cues, 15 more subjects (68%) reported they would travel to and attend educational activities.

    What might this increase in work and education activities mean for reducing public expenditures?  According to the Blindness Alliance For Rehabilitation Change (BARC, 2000, p. 1) , “the unemployment of blind Californians yearly costs government well in excess of $1 billion in cash outlays, Medi-Cal, Section 8 housing and other forms of assistance.”  This figure does not include all the federal aid to this group; people who are disabled and meet minimum income and asset levels are also eligible for federal SSI and Social Security Disability benefits (SSD) payments of up to about $700 per month.  The sample data showed that half of the unemployed said they could work if additional spatial and environmental cues were available.   That estimate would probably not apply to the target populations as a whole, but it extrapolates to a savings of 500 million dollars.   Even if a much lower figure of just 10% being able to independently use transit to get to employment is used, that would save the state 100 million dollars a year.

    Current state efforts to increase employment for blind people in California are coordinated by the California Department of Rehabilitation.   They provide education, assistive technology, and other services to promote employment.  However, over 83% of closed cases are classed as “homemaker” which means they are not employed.   The Department spends about 25 million dollars a year for blind services, and, over the last five years, they have placed about 300 people a year in “competitive” employment.   Dividing the budget by the number of jobs placed reveals that the state pays $85,000 for each job, with an average weekly starting pay of $353 (BARC, 2000, p. 1) .  

    6.3.6. Cost to Equip Bus Fleet In San Francisco

    Many transit buses are accessible to people who use wheelchairs, through massive efforts to comply with ADA requirements.   Problems faced by travelers with limited vision trying to identify, find, or transfer buses were discussed earlier (see Sections 2.5.3 and 2.6.3 ) and Table 3.1 shows that these problems are some of the most difficult transit tasks, as rated by the subjects.  This section offers a brief “back-of-the-envelope” estimation of the cost to install RIAS on all San Francisco Muni buses.   Unlike other types of installations, the total installation has a known cost, and therefore is examined here.   Talking Signs® for buses are available from Luminator, a company that also makes route and destination header signs for transit vehicles.   One RIAS transmitter is used to transmit an infrared beam forward to identify the bus and also to the side to identify the doorway.   The current price for this transmitter was quoted as $1650, without installation, or $2100 with installation, which is the cost used in this example (Luminator, 2002) .

    The San Francisco Municipal Railway (Muni) has 454 diesel buses that carry over 96 million passengers per year and 331 trolley buses that carry almost 81 million passengers (San Francisco Municipal Railway, 2002) .  The estimate that follows calculates the cost of installing a Talking Signs® transmitter on all of these two vehicle types (diesel and trolley), a total of 785 vehicles that carry almost 177 million passengers per year.   The cost to equip those 785 vehicles would be 1.65 million dollars ($1,648,500).  Using a 15-year useful-like for vehicles yields a yearly cost of   $110,000, which represents 0.029% of their reported operating budget for 1999-2000,  $380.9 million (San Francisco Municipal Railway, 2002) .  Table 6.3 shows the estimated yearly cost divided by population estimates and by ridership numbers.  Because people with severe vision impairments are captive transit users, it would be expected that they actually use transit at a higher percentage than the general populations, many of whom drive cars.   However, for this estimate, equity of use is assumed and the number of riders per year is based on the National Lighthouse estimates of 1.7% of the population having severe vision impairment and 0.45 % being legally blind.   Currently, Talking Signs ® receivers are available to qualified users in San Francisco at no cost, but it is assumed that other sources would be needed to provide receivers if buses were equipped with RIAS.   Transit providers are best able to estimate the number of blind users that they serve, through information from disability discount applications or transit statistics on discount fare usage, in order to estimate the number of receivers needed. The installation cost and distributions over people and riders were made with information available and further study by transit providers is needed to determine the number of people who would use transit and could benefit from these installations.   The cost is well below that needed to make a vehicle accessible for wheelchair use and compare favorably with current discount programs.    

    Table 6. 3 Talking Signs(R) Installation Cost for San Francisco Muni Buses

    Cost per Person

    Cost

    per Year

    Total

    Population

    Severe Vision Impairment

    Legally Blind

    $110,000

    746,777

    12,695

    3,360

    Yearly Cost per Person

    $0.15

    $8.66

    $32.74

    Cost per Ride

    Cost

    per Year

    Total

    Ridership

    Severe Vision Impairment

    Legally Blind

    $110,000

    177 Million

    3,009,000

    796,500

    Cost per Ride

    $0.0006

    $0.037

    $0.14

     
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